Prof. Dr. Engin Arık, who said that thorium mines would be a solution to our country's energy problem and carried out studies on this subject, lost her life along with her team in the plane crash that occurred in Isparta on November 30, 2007.

On the anniversary of Engin Arık's death, her student Baki Akkuş, the President of the Turkish Physical Society, made some statements.

Baki Akkuş, stating that he had bought a plane ticket for a few days later due to his work, said, "The known incident happened. I cannot call it an accident. The plane went down".

According to official records, the cause of Prof. Dr. Engin Arık's death is the plane crash that occurred near Isparta on November 30, 2007, but conspiracy theories are being put forward on this matter. Engin Arık and her team had important studies on thorium mines and Türkiye's nuclear energy potential, and for this reason, it is thought that they became targets.

Although this situation has led to claims and conspiracy theories being put forward in public opinion and on various platforms that the crash may actually have been an assassination or sabotage, these claims have not been officially proven.

Prof. Dr. Engin Arık advocated for Türkiye to become a full member of CERN and for the country to benefit from these studies. She also carried out work on this matter in Türkiye and even pioneered the establishment of an institution called TARLA (The Turkish Accelerator and Radiation Laboratory).

Prof. Dr. Engin Arık is one of the people who, starting from 1991, laid the foundation, together with figures such as Prof. Dr. Asım Barut and Prof. Dr. Saleh Sultansoy, of the idea of establishing a national high-energy physics and accelerator center in Türkiye. She made intensive efforts for the institutionalization and preparation of the infrastructure of the Turkish Accelerator Center project, which was planned to be implemented in Ankara Gölbaşı with the support of the State Planning Organization (SPO). She personally assumed responsibility for the detector and experimental parts of this center to be established.

Arık's widely known vision in public opinion of "Türkiye meeting its own energy needs through its thorium reserves" was directly connected to these accelerator projects. She predicted that the proton accelerators at the center to be established would make possible the prototype of a new generation of safe nuclear power plants running on thorium in the future.

Prof. Dr. Engin Arık and the other valuable scientists in her team lost their lives in the plane crash that occurred in Isparta on November 30, 2007, while they were on their way to a workshop directly related to this accelerator project and thorium studies. However, this initiative she started continued over the years, and the TARLA project rose on her legacy and became Türkiye's first free-electron laser and accelerator facility.

Unfortunately, The Republic of Türkiye was unable to protect these valuable scientists.

In Türkiye this morning (10/14/2026), a government-appointed trustee was imposed on Halk TV, Türkiye's most-watched opposition television channel.

This step brought with it great distress. Because the current government is once again trying to shape politics by using the judiciary. In addition to the deep economic crisis existing in the country, political crises are also being added. The current government, which is shaken by a new scandal every day, is making every effort to avoid leaving its seat and is using the judiciary like its own puppet. In a place where the judiciary should be independent, judicial officials who act according to the government's rhetoric are openly committing crimes.

There has never been a period in which justice and politics have been eroded this much. The filth of the current government, which is engaged in deep corruption, is being exposed to the public every day, and yet they do not resign because they have lost their sense of shame.

The Republic of Türkiye faces a major crossroads. Society will either say stop to the current government or continue in the same way and be dragged further into the swamp.

There is a great silent anger in society. Society avoids making statements, but it will make the current government pay the price at the ballot box on election day. Another government so stained by filth has not been seen or heard of in the history of the Republic of Türkiye. Since the government, whose actions have now been reflected to the public, has also lost its sense of shame, it carries out every theft openly.

I think these people should be tried as a warning, and no politician should ever again become involved in such corruption. If you do not try these people as a warning, you will have betrayed the state. The areas in which the taxes taken from this state's millions of citizens are used are not transparently shared with the public. In the past, this data used to be shared transparently with the public, but now it is not shared.

Since there are already astronomical taxes in every sector, the public has begun to raise the issue because of this situation.

With the general election expected to be held in 2028, the government will face a major test. Since society and the government are facing off against each other, I think it will be of great instructive value. 

Every corner of Türkiye stands out with its natural beauties and unique geographical features.

Recently in Türkiye, a large part of society has to follow politics because they do not trust the government.

A society that has lost its trust in the government begins to closely follow politics because it does not find the government's steps right and thinks it will make new mistakes. This is a completely human behavior. You closely follow even a person you do not trust because you think they will do something wrong against you.

Society is experiencing a major loss of trust in the government. The government's corruption, injustice, and attempts to eliminate politicians through the judiciary. All of these are lowering the government's value in the eyes of society a little more each day, and this distrust will cause the government to lose the next election.

The detention and subsequent arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu created great anger among society against the government, and society had difficulty controlling this anger. After this, the government carried out operations against municipalities won by the main opposition party and unlawfully imprisoned a large portion of the mayors. These actions caused the public anger against the current government to increase even further.

We saw the result of this in the local elections. Because society harbored anger against the current government, it gave the administration of the vast majority of cities to the main opposition party, but the current government did not learn a lesson from this election.

Türkiye is rapidly heading toward a general election, and this election will be quite challenging for the current government.

It is worth reminding once again; everyone pays the price for what they have done one day.

Starting from July 15, 2016, a great period of purge took place in the Turkish Armed Forces in Türkiye.

This purge generally targeted Turkish officers, and these people were openly expelled from the army. They were not only expelled but also branded as members of the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETÖ) and thrown into prisons. Since that date, thousands of honorable Turkish officers lying in prison are waiting for the day they will regain their freedom. Not only soldiers, but also police officers, prosecutors, judges, teachers, and people from many other professions we do not even know of...

The AKP government removed Türkiye's honorable officers from the army one by one and restricted their freedoms in prison. Who is to say that these people, who have been imprisoned for years through injustices, will not hold the current government accountable once they regain their freedom one day. Since the government already knows that it would experience disaster in such a scenario, it is doing every dirty deed it can today in order not to lose power and continues to increase them with each passing day.

Those who paraded almost all officers before the eyes of the media and presented them to society as traitors on July 15, 2016, will one day face this reality. Because there is no fair trial, both the guilty and the innocent are being held together in prison. Whereas, if there were a fair trial, I believe that almost all of these officers would leave prison and regain their freedom. If there are those who committed crimes, let them be tried fairly and receive punishment, but those who are innocent will surely one day regain their freedom. The founding values of the Republic of Türkiye have always taught us to be just and transparent, and we grew up with this culture. At the point we have reached today, we are witnessing that the government disregards the founding values of the Republic and even tries to destroy these values.

US Ambassador to Türkiye Tom Barrack, in a speech, referred to Türkiye being governed by a monarchy like Middle Eastern countries. Because the Republic has always posed a threat to them. After this unfortunate statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Türkiye made no condemnation on this matter and did not warn Barrack. This unfortunate speech shows that the government is doing its part as part of an existing plan.

However, one day when justice is reestablished in Türkiye and order is restored, these people will certainly be prosecuted. Everyone, from the very top of the hill to the very bottom, will certainly pay this penalty. No matter which country in the world they flee to, this responsibility will never leave them alone.

One day, everyone pays the price for what they have done.

Unfortunately, a major social collapse is taking place in Türkiye. Because of the current government's unqualified cadres and its appointed, uneducated, and inexperienced bureaucrats, the country has fallen into a dead end.

The AKP's story of collapse

Corruption and moral collapse

When President Erdoğan took the podium at the opening of Parliament, Özgür Özel and the NEW Party MPs left the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye. Erdoğan waited for the NEW Party members to leave the hall before speaking. Leaving the hall, Özel told journalists, 'We don't have time to waste listening to someone who attacks the CHP to change the agenda.'

New Party Chairman Özgür Özel and its MPs left the hall as President and AKP Chairman Recep Tayyip Erdoğan took the podium. Erdoğan waited for the New Party MPs to leave the hall before speaking.

We don't have time to listen to Erdoğan

In a statement to journalists after leaving the hall, Özel said, "We don't have time to waste listening to someone who changes his party's leadership and replaces it with an appointment that suits him, someone who imprisons our presidential candidate, someone who just this morning carried out an operation against the innocent Mersin Mayor in order to win the Union of Turkish Municipalities elections, someone who tries to march on the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality every day by threatening and poaching district municipal council members, someone who has allowed the poor to be plundered through a fund crisis and remained silent about it, and who once again attacks the CHP to change the agenda."

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk addressed [the people] as follows...

The highlights of Erdoğan's speech from the Parliament podium were as follows:

First and foremost, I commemorate with mercy the 115 members, above all, who, 106 years ago, after the Friday prayer performed at the Hacı Bayram Veli Mosque, proclaimed the will of our nation to the world from Ankara the heart of independence with prayers, takbirs, and the resolve and passion for independence, along with all our deputies who have served our nation worthily under this exalted roof until today and have passed away.

Once again, here, I ask mercy from the Almighty for all our martyrs who, for a thousand years in this geography, sacrificed their lives without blinking an eye for the survival of our nation, and for those among our veterans who have passed away. Right at the beginning of my words, I want to express with all my heart this truth: The only parliament in the world that has been honored with the title of 'gazi' twice is the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye. This assembly successfully led and directed the national struggle against the invaders who attempted to put shackles on the feet and a rope around the neck of our nation.

Look, the minutes of our Grand National Assembly of Türkiye between 1920 and 1923 are the most vivid witnesses of how Türkiye was made a homeland for the second time. The following words that Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk uttered in 1921 at the opening of the second legislative year of the Grand National Assembly are a clear expression of the love of freedom that is in the very cells of our nation and of the historic mission of our parliament. In those painful days when the Turkish nation was squeezed between independence and annihilation, Gazi Mustafa Kemal, in his capacity as Speaker of the Assembly, addressed [the people] as follows.

Esteemed colleagues, let us once again recall the distances we have covered from the Armistice days, when the entire nation looked death in the eye, to this day, and the countless difficulties we have overcome. Since times whose beginning is unknown.

Our nation, which lives with the honor of independence, seemed to be heading toward the worst of ends through death, yet the voice of our ancestors, who called their children to rise up against enslavement, rose in our hearts and invited us to the final war of liberation. The days of despair and faint-heartedness are now far behind. While Your Exalted Assembly enters its second legislative year having shown the country the path to liberation, the true path, and having gathered the entire nation under its banner of independence I pray that the lights beginning to dawn on our horizon may be auspicious for a good morning in this unfortunate homeland of ours, which has seen so many disasters. Ninety-five years after this speech, which was frequently interrupted by applause, our Exalted Assembly once again fulfilled its duty of leading the nation. On the night of July 15, our Gazi Assembly, which defended the nation's trust under bombs, together with our nation that resisted the coup in squares, streets, and airports, passed that heavy test with a clean record.

On this occasion, I thank all our deputies who protected the nation's trust that night, and I say, may my Lord never again oblige this assembly to wage the same struggle. I specifically express the satisfaction I feel at addressing you in the General Assembly hall of the Gazi Assembly, whose past is so glorious and whose duty is so sublime.

Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya

The essence of the Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya affair is not a simple insider trading allegation, but a concentrated manifestation of a crisis of political trust. The core contradiction is this: a ruling party vice chair responsible for social policy is accused of earning over 2 billion ₺ in profit just before a financial crisis affecting millions of people yet her name does not appear on the regulatory agency's investigation list. This state of being "publicly accused but not formally investigated" is more destructive than the allegation itself, as it points to a structural crack in the institutional credibility of the regulatory body.

72 hours from allegation to resignation

On September 25, 2026, Yeni Parti (New Party) spokesperson Zeynel Emre publicly announced the following allegation at the Bahçelievler district congress: AKP Vice Chair and former Minister of Family and Social Policies Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya and her husband İlyas Kaya obtained an extraordinary profit exceeding 2 billion ₺ through transactions in Özata Denizcilik (OZATD) shares just before the "fund crisis" broke out.

The key data at the center of the allegation are as follows.

The structural asymmetry between power and information

Responsibility or evasion of accountability?

My TİP Kocaeli Experience

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Yesterday, I had a meeting with a few people from the Kocaeli Provincial Organization of the Workers' Party of Türkiye (TİP). They welcomed me with great interest and I was happy. They listened to me, asked whether I had any questions I wanted to ask them, and we established a nice dialogue. I had never seen such a nice welcome in any political party before. Although I had previously been a member of the Republican People's Party (CHP), and before that I had no membership in any political party. For this reason, I had no political background either.

When the Republican People's Party was annulled with absolute nullity, I had resigned from the party, and afterwards I had not become a member of any party. Of my own volition, I joined the Workers' Party of Türkiye and became an active member. I joined the Workers' Party of Türkiye (TİP) not to participate in actions in the streets, but to observe the field and to report by shooting videos. In this way, I think I can contribute more to the party. In other words, I think that being a member of a political party is not only about participating in actions, but also that it would be more efficient to benefit the party in other areas where one can provide benefit.

At the Workers' Party of Türkiye Kocaeli Organization, Ms. Özlem welcomed me and took an interest. After a long conversation with her, she gave information about the party and talked about the work they do. In other words, she introduced the party in its true sense. Ms. Özlem was a very kind person with strong communication skills, and while we were chatting, two more gentlemen came and our conversation spread to a wider area, and we began to talk about different fields as well. We had a pleasant conversation and then parted ways.

I read the Bylaws of the Workers' Party of Türkiye and examined the Party Program. I recommend that you examine the Bylaws.

The Gap between embargo rhetoric and reality

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On May 2, 2024, Türkiye announced that it had completely halted all trade relations with Israel. According to official statements, exports, imports, free zone trade, and transit trade were fully suspended, and Turkish-flagged and Israeli-flagged air and sea transportation were banned. However, international trade data, ship tracking systems, and independent research reveal that this embargo has remained largely on paper, with trade continuing through various indirect channels.

There is a massive gap between Türkiye's official data and Israel's official data

While the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) data shows no trade items with Israel after May 2, 2024, according to Trading Economics, which compiles the UN COMTRADE database, Israel's imports from Türkiye in 2025 were recorded at $2.12 billion. This figure places Türkiye as Israel's 10th largest import source, on par with the United Kingdom.

According to data from the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), **exports from Türkiye to Israel in 2025 amounted to $924.1 million**. In just the January-February 2026 period, this figure reached $176.1 million.

The top product groups exported from Türkiye to Israel in 2025 were as follows.

The "confidential country" category and the transparency problem

Murat Emir, Deputy Group Chair of the Yeni Party, drew attention to the "Confidential Country" heading in TURKSTAT's foreign trade statistics, opened under the pretext of "commercial secrecy." Noting that this category showed a volume of $2.1 billion for 2025, Emir asked, "Was the export to Israel recorded under this 'confidential country' item?"

The Ministry of Trade, however, denied these claims, asserting that the customs system is completely closed to Israel and that no trade transactions have been registered for 23 months. The Ministry labeled the claims based on Israeli data as "disinformation."

Oil shipments covert flow through Ceyhan Port

One of the most striking contradictions is in oil shipments. Despite Türkiye's embargo decision, Azerbaijani oil continues to be shipped from the Ceyhan terminal to Israel.

According to data compiled by Reuters from ship tracking systems, the amount of Azerbaijani oil sent from Ceyhan to Israel increased by 31% in 2025, reaching 94,000 barrels per day. This was recorded as the highest level in the last three years.

Oil sent from Azerbaijan via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline meets approximately 30% of Israel's oil needs.

The shadow fleet ships disabling signals

International investigations reveal in detail how the embargo is being circumvented. According to research conducted by Middle East Eye in collaboration with the "No Port for Genocide" campaign.

Covert crude oil shipments to Israel between May 2024 and December 2025.

• 57 covert crude oil shipments
• Approximately 47 million barrels of oil
• Shipments were carried out via Türkiye
• Ships disabled their tracking systems (AIS), going into "dark" mode
• Egypt's Port Said was reported as the false destination

Military material shipments.

• 13 military shipments in 2025 (ammunition, machine gun components, defense materials belonging to Elbit Systems)

Coal shipments.

• 8 covert coal shipments between October 2023 and February 2026
• Total of 751,000 tons of South African coal

The role of Greek companies

The majority of covert shipments are carried out by Greek shipping companies. According to the research.

• Companies Thenamaris and Kyklades increased their share of oil shipments after the embargo from approximately 22% to over 91%
• Greek tankers circumvented Türkiye's Israel embargo via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline
• Ships violated international maritime rules by reporting false destinations and disabling tracking systems

The Palestinian route claim

The Ministry of Trade argues that the trade appearing in Israeli records stems from shipments made to the Palestinian Authority. According to the Ministry.

• Since Palestine has no port or customs of its own, shipments are technically made through Israeli ports
• Shipments are carried out with the approval of the Palestinian Ministry of National Economy
• There is approximately $50-60 million in monthly Palestinian trade.

However, Yeni Party's Emir claims that the Israeli statistical office does not include trade with the Palestinian Authority in the standard "Israeli foreign trade" tables, therefore the announced figures directly reflect Türkiye-Israel trade.

The Gap between official statements and industry data

Türkiye's Ministry of Trade maintains that the embargo is being fully implemented.

"Since May 2, 2024, trade with Israel has been zero. The customs system is closed."

Political consequences and contradictory messages

The claims that trade is continuing create a serious credibility problem in Türkiye's foreign policy.

1. While harsh rhetoric against Israel continues in public, the continuation of trade relations behind the scenes causes foreign policy to be perceived as "two-faced."
2. U.S. Ambassador to Ankara Tom Barrack, at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, stated "Türkiye and Israel will not fight each other" implying that a trade agreement between the two countries could be made in the "not-too-distant future."
3. While Türkiye is seeking an Interpol "Red Notice" for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, the continuation of billions of dollars in trade during the same period raises questions about the sincerity of Türkiye's support for the Palestinian cause.

Available data clearly demonstrates a deep chasm between Türkiye's "no trade with Israel" rhetoric and international trade data. Despite official statements.

• UN COMTRADE data shows a $2.12 billion trade volume in 2025
• Israeli official data records $924 million in exports in 2025
• Ship tracking systems confirm that covert oil shipments from Ceyhan port to Israel are continuing
• "Shadow fleet" operations conducted through Greek companies reveal that the embargo is being systematically circumvented
• The appearance of $2.1 billion in TURKSTAT's "Confidential Country" category deepens the transparency problem

This contradiction raises serious questions about the sincerity of Türkiye's support for the Palestinian cause, its foreign policy credibility, and its commitment to international obligations. This chasm between harsh public rhetoric and the trade relations that continue in reality represents a significant test for the future stance and reputation of Turkish foreign policy.

Note: This article is based on publicly available trade data, shipping records, and reporting from various news sources. All figures are cited from their respective sources and are presented for informational purposes.

When the law bends to power Türkiye’s crisis of judicial credibility

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The current state of Türkiye’s judiciary, particularly after the critical turning points of 2010 and 2016, has undergone a profound transformation. While judicial independence is constitutionally guaranteed under Article 138, the practical application of this principle has become one of the most contentious issues in the country’s modern political history. The growing influence of the executive branch over judicial appointments and disciplinary proceedings has led to a widening gap between legal assurances and on-the-ground realities.

The structural transformation of the judiciary

The restructuring of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) has been a focal point of criticism. Changes in the appointment mechanisms and the composition of the council have raised concerns that the judiciary is increasingly staffed with cadres aligned with the ruling administration. This shift is perceived by many observers as eroding the institutional autonomy of the courts, creating a judiciary that is not only responsive to the executive but also integral to its strategy of consolidating power.

This structural transformation has given rise to what many describe as the "field reality" a widespread perception that legal decisions, especially in politically sensitive cases, are shaped more by anticipated political outcomes than by objective legal evidence. This perception is not limited to political opposition; it is shared by segments of the legal community, academia, and international watchdogs, all of whom have documented instances of due process violations and politically motivated prosecutions.

The polarized interpretation of justice

The most challenging aspect of this debate is its deeply polarized nature. The government maintains that all judicial decisions are made independently and based on concrete evidence, particularly in cases related to terrorism and organized crime. Conversely, opposition groups and civil society organizations contend that these very same cases are often used as instruments to silence dissent and marginalize political rivals.

This polarization means that the same court ruling can be interpreted in completely opposite ways depending on one’s political stance. Such a fragmented understanding of justice undermines the foundational principle that the law should be a neutral arbiter in society, not a weapon to be wielded in partisan conflict.

International perspective and compliance

The domestic controversies have significant international repercussions. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has issued multiple rulings against Türkiye, citing violations of freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial in prominent cases, such as those of Osman Kavala and Ahmet Altan. These rulings highlight an increasing dissonance between Türkiye’s domestic legal practices and its international human rights obligations. Furthermore, the continuous criticism from the Venice Commission and other European bodies underscores the systemic nature of these concerns, placing Türkiye’s judiciary under persistent international scrutiny.

A test of democratic resilience

Türkiye finds itself at a critical juncture. The credibility of its judiciary is not merely a matter of domestic political debate but a crucial factor influencing its international standing and internal stability. The current trajectory marked by executive dominance over judicial appointments, politically charged prosecutions, and international censure poses a fundamental challenge to the rule of law. For Türkiye to navigate this period without long-term damage to its democratic institutions, it will require a genuine and inclusive dialogue among all stakeholders, aimed at rebuilding public trust in the independence, impartiality, and integrity of its judicial system.

Zafer Party Leader Prof. Dr. Ümit Özdağ Warns of Multidimensional Crisis Involving Territorial Integrity, Demographics, Economy, and Social Fabric.

Prof. Dr. Ümit Özdağ, the Chairman of the Zafer Party, in his latest political assessment, has claimed that the Republic of Türkiye is undergoing a process of "slow-motion collapse." According to Özdağ, the country is facing one of the greatest threats in its history, and the most dangerous aspect of this process is the apparent consensus between the ruling party and the opposition on many critical issues.

At the heart of Özdağ's criticism lies the so-called "Framework Law" which he alleges grants amnesty to the PKK terrorist organization, and the subsequent constitutional amendment debates. He argues that these arrangements aim to dismantle the national, unitary, and secular state founded by Atatürk. In its place, he contends, there is an attempt to establish a new, multi-national state model composed of autonomous regions, paving the way for fragmentation. In this context, he criticizes the laws passed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly, emphasizing that this process is being carried out "through the Gazi Parliament."

The party leader does not limit his definition of "slow-motion collapse" solely to political regulations. He expands his criticism by highlighting the multidimensional crises facing the country. Foremost among these is the "demographic threat" posed by a foreign-born population exceeding 13 million. Additionally, he draws attention to the deepening economic depression, widespread addiction issues affecting 6 million people (including 4 million drug addicts and 2 million addicted to virtual gambling), and the alarming rate of femicide, where an average of 1.5 women are murdered daily, illustrating the extent of social decay.

Özdağ directs particularly harsh criticism at the economic management, alleging that the government does not hesitate to sell public assets to finance election economics. He cites the sale (privatization) of bridges and highways for 30-year periods through presidential decrees as an example, claiming this practice is essentially an effort to generate funds for the ruling administration.

In the face of all these developments, Ümit Özdağ emphasizes that a solution is only possible through the will of the Turkish nation. He asserts that the Zafer Party, with its understanding of Turkish nationalism in line with Atatürk's principles, represents the sole political will capable of rescuing the country from this multidimensional collapse. He states that they will offer comprehensive solutions in every area, from border security and the justice system to economic prosperity and social peace. 

I was born on the edge of a dusty road, among the yellow grasses swaying in wave after wave of wind.

The steppe of Central Anatolia was not merely a geography; it was a state of mind. My childhood passed across those plains where the horizon stretched like a line, in that feeling of infinity where the sky met the earth. Then I grew up, merged into the crowds of cities, and lost myself among piles of concrete. But the steppe always remained within me as a silent call flowing through my blood until one day, that call turned into a cry.

I remember: summer evenings, those hours when the sun sank like a crimson fireball beyond the horizon. The fields would turn golden yellow, and the scent of thyme carried by the wind would fill my nostrils. My grandfather's hands were calloused, his face carved with the lines of the steppe. With those hands, he would sow seeds as if caressing the parched soil. "This land" he would say, "teaches a person patience. It asks nothing of you; it only knows how to wait for its time." I didn't understand it then, but now I know that the steppe is the purest embodiment of waiting, patience, and labor.

Years passed. I lived in the gray streets of Kocaeli, unaware of how time flowed by. Every day the same rush, every night the same exhaustion. But occasionally, in a breath of wind, in a bird's song, in the steam rising from a glass of tea, I would find something reminiscent of the steppe. Those moments made me feel something stirring in the depths of my heart. As if the steppe were an ancient wisdom calling out to me, and I had long turned a deaf ear to that call. Those deep folk songs about the steppe reminded me of my true self and told me to return to the place I belonged.

Last spring, I set out under the pretext of a business trip. It was just a pretext, really; inside me lay an indescribable longing. As the car moved toward the plains of Central Anatolia, the landscape began to change. I had seen every shade of green, but the steppe's own peculiar yellowish-brown filled me with a warmth that soothed my soul. I turned off the radio and rolled down the window. The wind struck my face the scent of my childhood, the smell of fields, of mud, of dry grass... My eyes welled up.That day, I walked through the fields where I used to run as a child. The bushes by the roadside were still in the same places. Beyond a distant hill stood the ruined house where we had played hide-and-seek as children, where we ran and had fun; it was still there. I touched the soil. What was that feeling like? Warm, dry, rough yet at the same time alive, something that breathed. My grandfather's words came back to me: "This land teaches a person patience." So the steppe had not abandoned me. It was I who had forgotten it.

That night, I sat in a village coffeehouse. The elderly men were playing backgammon, and tea was being brewed. Outside, the stars were brighter and closer than I could ever see in the cities. There was a deep silence but this was not the artificial silence of cities; it was the deep breath of the earth. In that moment, I realized that the steppe was not actually silence, but rather a whisper thousands of years old. That whisper was kneaded with the footprints of Hittites, Phrygians, and Seljuks; every stone, every blade of grass told a story. And I was part of that story.

Now I know: a person is the child of the soil they were born on. No matter how far they wander, the wind will one day bring them back. The steppe gave me not just a place, but a sense of belonging. My desire to return there was not an escape, but an effort to take root. My memories blossomed anew on those parched lands. Just as the steppe suddenly comes to life after spring rains flowers bloom, grasses sprout, butterflies flutter so too were the arid lands within me watered.

The steppe is silent and dignified. It does not speak; but you feel it. Its call is not an invitation, but a reminder: "Do not forget where you came from." And now, I return there at every opportunity. Because that is where my story began. No matter how much concrete is laid, no matter how much time passes, that steppe will always flourish in the depths of my soul. I am a child of the steppe, and my roots continue to sway in the wind, among those yellow grasses.

The Neighbor's Fire

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As of 2026, with U.S. - Iran military tensions continuing to escalate, the Middle East has once again been pushed to the brink of war. As a neighbor sharing a land border of over 550 kilometers with Iran and heavily dependent on Middle Eastern energy corridors, Türkiye though not a direct party to the conflict feels the scorching heat of this "neighbor's fire" acutely. The U.S. - Iran tension not only impacts Türkiye's already fragile economy through energy prices and trade routes but also poses serious challenges to Ankara's national strategies at the security and geopolitical levels.

The economic transmission mechanism from energy prices to the "Bread Basket"

Türkiye is heavily dependent on imported oil and natural gas, making its economy highly sensitive to fluctuations in international energy prices. The threat posed by the U.S. - Iran conflict to shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz immediately triggered anxiety over energy supply within Türkiye. As early as the initial stages of the escalation, Turkish citizens formed long queues at gas stations out of fear of rising fuel prices and subsequent developments proved these concerns to be well-founded.

Looking at macroeconomic data, Treasury and Finance Minister Mehmet Şimşek acknowledged that war-induced oil price increases have created "negative" pressure on the economy. According to official assessments, if the average oil price remains around $85 per barrel in 2026, Türkiye's inflation rate is expected to rise by an additional 3.6 to 4.4 percentage points, while economic growth is projected to slow by 0.6 to 1.5 percentage points. Given that annual inflation stood at 31.5% in February 2026, this additional burden is nothing short of pouring more weight onto an already strained system.

This macroeconomic pressure manifests itself in the most tangible and direct way possible through bread. In Turkish culture, "bread money" (ekmek parası) is synonymous with one's livelihood. However, the U.S.-Israel axis of military operations pushed up energy and flour prices, forcing bread prices to rise sharply. In Ankara, for example, the price of a loaf of sourdough bread jumped from 95 lira to 120 lira. After remaining unchanged for eight months, bread prices across the country were raised by nearly 17%. As local economists have pointed out, the effects of war are not a distant abstraction but a concrete reality squeezing every Turkish family's "bread basket."

The security and foreign policy dilemma between mediation, gedging, and precaution

Faced with a conflict on its doorstep, Türkiye's security and foreign policy posture reveals a complex and pragmatic character.

First, active mediation and diplomatic hedging form the core of its strategy. Türkiye has explicitly opposed any military intervention against Iran and has offered to play a mediating role between Washington and Tehran. Turkish foreign ministers have engaged in intensive diplomatic contacts with Iran and other regional actors, even offering to host potential U.S. - Iran talks on Turkish soil. This mediation effort reflects both a genuine desire to preserve regional stability and Türkiye's broader hedging strategy of balancing between East and West while enhancing its geopolitical influence.

Second, preventing a refugee influx and securing the border constitute Türkiye's most pressing concern. Having already experienced the massive refugee wave from the Syrian civil war, Türkiye is acutely aware of the socio-economic burden that a new wave from Iran could impose. Accordingly, Turkish officials have stated that they are "prepared to strengthen border security measures with Iran" including the construction of physical barriers if necessary. At the same time, Ankara has firmly denied allegations of "plans to invade Iranian territory," emphasizing its respect for its neighbor's sovereignty.

Finally, the Kurdish question has resurfaced as a critical strategic concern. Türkiye fears that Kurdish groups in Iran could capitalize on regional instability to grow stronger, potentially energizing separatist movements among Kurdish populations in Iraq, Syria, and within Türkiye itself. This is precisely why Ankara is eager to see the conflict de-escalate and end quickly, rather than drag on or expand.

In summary, the U.S. - Iran military conflict represents a "neighbor's fire with no winners" for Türkiye. Economically, it strikes at the country's fragile macroeconomic foundation through energy price shocks, directly raising the cost of living for ordinary citizens. In security terms, it brings direct threats ranging from potential refugee flows to the spillover of Kurdish-related instability. For these reasons, Türkiye is simultaneously pursuing a mediating role to lower tensions while reinforcing its border defenses to protect its own interests. The future trajectory of this conflict will continue to profoundly shape Türkiye's domestic and foreign policy in the period ahead.

State institution culture and aesthetic understanding

Atatürk's vision was not confined to constitutions and laws; it permeated every corner of Türkiye from a village institute in a remote province to a government mansion in a district, and from factory workers' housing in a city to a rural schoolyard. As you rightly pointed out, wherever you go in Türkiye, there is a common language extending from a state institution's parking lot to the arrangement of trees in its garden, from the façade of the building to the lighting in its corridors. This was no coincidence, but the product of a conscious construction process.

Architectural and public space understanding the physical signature of the Republic

In contrast to the ornate and complex architectural style inherited from the Ottomans, Republican-era architecture was built on the principles of simplicity, functionality, and symmetry. Behind this understanding lay the idea that the state should be transparent, accessible, and orderly. Government mansions, schools, hospitals, and community centers (Halkevleri) from that period were generally two or three stories high, with flat roofs, wide eaves, and rectangular forms.

• Standardization: The architectural plans for these buildings were often prepared centrally and sent to all corners of the country. Thus, a school in Edirne shared the same architectural language as a school in Van.
• Gardens and Landscaping: Institution gardens typically featured lawns, symmetrically planted pine trees, and modest yet well-maintained walking paths. Right next to the main entrance gates, small guard huts or lodgings made of the same materials and design were placed.
• Parking Lots: Under the conditions of the time, parking lots were not the vast expanses we see today; they were neat, tree-lined areas paved with stone or interlocking pavers, accommodating just a few vehicles. This was part of the institution's overall ethos of "order."

Building belonging and the modern citizen

This spatial standardization, on one hand, conveyed the state's authority and solemnity, while on the other, it delivered a clear message to the citizen: "This state is the same everywhere, reliable, and modern." A child growing up in a remote corner of Anatolia, upon visiting the government mansion in the nearest town for the first time, would encounter a structure similar to the school in their own village, thus feeling the state's presence and continuity in a tangible way.

This was also part of the project to create a "modern citizen." The Turkish flag in front of institution buildings, the bust of Atatürk, and the inscriptions on the walls such as "Happy is the one who says I am a Turk" transformed these spaces from mere schools or hospitals into centers of culture and identity production.

The psychological effect of institutional identity balancing trust and awe

The feelings of a citizen entering a state institution in that era were mixed. On one hand, there was the state's compassionate wing (hospitals, schools, community centers); on the other, the state's deterrent power (gendarmerie stations, courthouses). Yet in both cases, the physical language of the space reflected the same seriousness and order.

Institutional Culture: The dress codes of civil servants working in these buildings (suits, ties, official caps), their style of speech, and their behavior patterns created an institutional culture that was integrated with the physical space.

Urban Landmark: These buildings were often the most impressive and well-maintained structures in their respective cities or districts. This was perceived as a physical indicator of the importance the state attached to that region.

The reflection of this vision today

Unfortunately, in the post-1980 period, rapid urbanization and privatization policies have largely disrupted this aesthetic integrity. Old institution gardens have been turned into parking lots, and symmetrically planted pine trees have given way to concrete blocks. New government buildings, for the most part, have become soulless glass and concrete structures devoid of functionality.

However, even today, when you see an old community center or a government mansion from that era in some Anatolian town, you can still feel that atmosphere. Because these buildings are not just structures; they are the petrified embodiments of the Republic's founding philosophy, its hope, and its ideal of modernization.

Atatürk's vision permeated not only factories and banks but also the pine trees in the gardens of those factories, the lighting in school corridors, and the flagpoles at the entrances of government mansions. This invisible network served as a powerful tool that bound Türkiye together as a unified "state and nation" reminding everyone of the Republic every single day. The reason we fondly recall that atmosphere today is perhaps because, in that era, stone, soil, and wood all carried an ideal.

With the proclamation of the Republic, Türkiye faced the historic task of complementing its political independence with economic sovereignty. The legacy inherited from the Ottoman Empire consisted of heavy foreign debt, capitulations, an exhausted treasury, and an agricultural economy with almost no industrial infrastructure. Under these conditions, the development drive initiated under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was not merely an industrialization project, but the concrete embodiment of the ideal of building a fully independent state.

The İzmir economics congress (1923) the national pact of economic independence

Even before the Treaty of Lausanne was signed, the İzmir Economics Congress, held between February 17 and March 4, 1923, represented the first major declaration of the new Türkiye's economic direction. The decisions taken at the congress, while encouraging the private sector, also paved the way for the state to play an active role in industrialization. Atatürk's words at the congress perfectly summarize the entire endeavor.

"However great political and military victories may be, unless they are crowned by economic victories, the victories won cannot be lasting."

The principle of statism why state-led industry?

The devastation caused by the 1929 World Economic Depression and the private sector's lack of sufficient capital accumulation pushed the state directly into the role of investor. The principle of Statism adopted in the 1930s envisaged the state engaging in production in areas where the private sector either could not enter or was insufficient. However, this was not an application against private enterprise; on the contrary, it was a necessity to build the infrastructure that would create national industry.

Sümerbank the heart of industry and the hub of development

The most remarkable institution of this period was Sümerbank, established on July 11, 1933. Sümerbank was more than just a bank; with its factories spread across the four corners of Türkiye, it was essentially an industrial holding company. Aiming to produce everything from cotton to cloth, and from wool to blankets using domestic resources, Sümerbank carried out major investments that are still talked about today.

1. Kayseri Cloth Factory (1935): Türkiye's first large-scale textile complex.
2. Nazilli Print Factory (1937): Inaugurated by Atatürk himself, this factory played a key role in the development of the Aegean Region.
3. Bursa Merinos Factory (1938): One of the last factories opened by Atatürk, Merinos also laid the foundation of Türkiye's woolen industry.

Sümerbank also transformed the social fabric of Anatolia with the schools, dispensaries, and social facilities it established around its factories.

SEKA (cellulose and paper factories) the nationalization of paper

Initiating paper production in Türkiye was one of the Republic's most strategic moves. SEKA, whose foundations were laid in İzmit in 1936 and which began production in 1939, was established to meet this need. Türkiye, which had previously imported paper, reduced its foreign dependency in this area with SEKA. Pioneering the training of engineers like Mehmet Ali Kağıtçı, SEKA also became a center of social life in the city where it was located, housing facilities such as a cinema, a sports club, and a community center.

Banks and infrastructure institutions

 The industrial drive was not just about factories. Institutions to finance these investments and to process energy and mineral resources were also established one after another.

• Etibank (1935): Established to operate mineral deposits and organize energy production.
• Electrical Works Survey Administration (1935): Laid the groundwork for energy infrastructure by planning the country's electricity potential.
• State Airlines (1933): The first step in modernization of transportation.

Why was this drive "revolutionary"?

The institutions established during the Atatürk era served directly the goal of a "national economy." Previously, Anatolia largely exported raw materials and imported processed products from abroad. With these facilities.

• High value-added products began to be produced domestically.
• Efforts were made to curb unemployment.
• The domestic market was revitalized.
• Foreign dependency was reduced.

All these moves were products of the belief, as Atatürk emphasized in 1923, that political liberation must be reinforced with economic liberation.

The changing world order and the reflection of the legacy today

Unfortunately, starting from the 1980s, within the framework of neoliberal economic policies that came to dominate the world, institutions like Sümerbank, SEKA, and Etibank were downsized or closed down through privatization. For example, SEKA effectively ended in 2005, and Sümerbank in 2002. However, the greatest legacy these institutions left behind was ensuring that the industry had a certain accumulation of knowledge and a culture of the working class.

Today, the foundations of Türkiye's success in areas ranging from automotive to defense industry lie in the modest but determined steps taken in that era.

The industrial drive of the Atatürk era was not merely a development strategy, but also the economic reflection of the Republic's philosophy of independence. Factories, banks, and institutions were the building blocks of the ideal of building an independent, strong, and dignified society. Whatever the fate of these institutions in the historical process, the path they opened will remain in memory as a turning point in Türkiye's industrialization journey.