Türkiye’s Quest for Secularism and a Society’s Demand for Change

Special Analysis

Executive Summary

This report examines the historical roots of secularism in Türkiye, its foundational role in the Republican project, its current standing under contemporary socio-political dynamics, and the emerging demands of a public calling for political transformation. Beyond a simple separation of mosque and state, secularism in Türkiye serves as the bedrock for equal citizenship, women’s rights, scientific education, and social cohesion. By analyzing the societal impact of more than two decades of religious discourse and institutional shifts under the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), this analysis outlines the contours of the inclusive, liberal secularism required for Türkiye’s second century.

1. From Ottoman Decline to the Republic — The Secular Necessity and Atatürk’s Vision

Unlike Western Europe’s history of direct confrontation between Church and State, the idea of secularism in Türkiye emerged from the institutional decay and urgent modernizing drives of the late Ottoman Empire (Mardin, 1991, p. 45). Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ottoman reforms — spanning the Tanzimat era (1839) and the Constitutional periods (1876, 1908) — attempted to institute secular legal and educational branches alongside traditional ones. Yet this dual system of religious (sharia) and secular (nizamiye) courts, paired with a fragmented educational landscape, crippled national integration and political unity (Berkes, 2017, p. 210).

Following the collapse of the empire, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the founding leaders of the Republic viewed the rationalization of state authority and public life as essential to securing the new nation-state’s survival and elevating it to the level of “contemporary civilization.” Secularism became the vehicle for disentangling state governance and law from divine doctrine, anchoring them instead in reason and scientific inquiry (Akşin, 2007, p. 112).

The key reformist milestones establishing Turkish secularism unfolded systematically across several critical years:

* March 3, 1924 — The Law on Unification of Education (Tevhid-i Tedrisat): Standardized national schooling, closed religious seminaries (madrasas), and mandated a secular curriculum grounded in modern science.

* March 3, 1924 — Abolition of the Caliphate and the Ministry of Religious Affairs: Completely secularized political authority and dismantled the office of the Sheikh ul-Islam.

* February 17, 1926 — Adoption of the Turkish Civil Code: Replaced sharia law with a modern legal framework modeled on the Swiss Civil Code, laying the foundation for gender equality before the law.

* February 5, 1937 — Constitutional Enshrining of Secularism: Formally designated secularism as an unalterable core feature of the Republic under Article 2 of the Constitution.

Photo by Mehmet Can Özgümüş on Unsplash

2. Secularism as a Shield for Social Cohesion

Far from being a mere tool of state oversight over religion (akin to classical French-style laïcité), secularism in Türkiye evolved into a vital guarantee for individual freedom of conscience and social stability. In a country composed of diverse ethnic, religious, and sectarian identities, secularism acts as a neutral framework ensuring the state maintains equal distance from all faith groups and non-believers alike (Kongar, 1998, p. 185).

2.1. Equal Citizenship and the Neutral Public Square

When state authority anchors its legitimacy in a single religious interpretation, citizens outside that dominant fold face systemic marginalization. Secularism grounds state legitimacy in a shared constitutional social contract rather than divine decrees, safeguarding the principle of equal citizenship for every member of society (Savran, 2004, p. 89).

2.2. Women’s Rights and Gender Equality

A secular legal order remains the indispensable prerequisite for female emancipation. The 1926 Civil Code outlawed polygamy, established women’s equal rights in divorce, inheritance, and child custody, and paved the way for full political suffrage in 1934. Universal standards of women’s rights cannot take root within legal systems dictated by religious dogma (Arat, 1998, p. 62).

3. Contemporary Socio-Political Dynamics: Evaluating the AKP Era

The uninterrupted tenure of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since 2002 represents a profound pivot in Turkish state-society relations and the practical application of secularism. Though the AKP initially campaigned on promises of a “passive” or “liberal” secular model, its governance gradually shifted toward a pervasive re-Islamization of state apparatuses and public discourse (Çavdar & Yaşar, 2019, p. 145).

3.1. Institutional Islamization and the Merit Crisis

Over two decades, the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) saw its budget and public presence expand exponentially, emerging as an influential voice in legislative and executive affairs. In education, the rapid expansion of religious (İmam Hatip) schools and state protocols (such as ÇEDES) assigning clerics to public classrooms progressively eroded secular schooling standards (İnal, 2015, p. 202). In the civil service, party loyalty and religious brotherhood affiliations routinely superseded professional merit — a dynamic that led directly to severe institutional breakdowns, most notably witnessed during the July 15, 2016 coup attempt.

3.2. Polarization and Top-Down Social Engineering

The political leadership’s explicit ambition to raise a “pious generation” deepened political and cultural fault lines. The strategic deployment of state resources to favor a specific lifestyle heightened anxieties among secular segments of society, fueling feelings of disenfranchisement and cultural polarization (Keyder, 2014, p. 98).

4. The Growing Public Appetite for Political Change

Despite heavy state-sponsored religious engineering, demographic trends and field research reveal a distinct trend toward organic secularization, particularly among Türkiye’s younger generations (Konda, 2021). The broad public demand for political change is increasingly driven by calls for rational governance, economic fairness, and the restoration of the rule of law.


The public’s call for reform is not a desire to resurrect the heavy-handed, assertive secularism (laïcisme) of the 1990s. Instead, society demands an inclusive, passive, and democratic secularism (Kuru, 2009, p. 42) — one that safeguards the religious rights of believers while shielding non-believers from societal pressure and guaranteeing absolute state neutrality.

5. Conclusion: Secularism in Türkiye’s Second Century

As the Republic of Türkiye enters its second century, secularism is far more than a historical artifact; it is a vital prerequisite for democracy, national unity, and modern progress. Navigating the country out of its current socio-political impasse requires re-anchoring state institutions in science and reason.

The widespread demand for change reflects a fundamental desire for justice, personal freedom, and higher living standards. Secularism provides the only common ground capable of unifying Türkiye’s diverse demographic fabric. By restoring a secular rule of law and a merit-based administration, Türkiye can achieve sustainable socioeconomic development and reclaim its respected standing on the global stage.

References

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