This is Emre.

When President Erdoğan took the podium at the opening of Parliament, Özgür Özel and the NEW Party MPs left the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye. Erdoğan waited for the NEW Party members to leave the hall before speaking. Leaving the hall, Özel told journalists, 'We don't have time to waste listening to someone who attacks the CHP to change the agenda.'

New Party Chairman Özgür Özel and its MPs left the hall as President and AKP Chairman Recep Tayyip Erdoğan took the podium. Erdoğan waited for the New Party MPs to leave the hall before speaking.

We don't have time to listen to Erdoğan

In a statement to journalists after leaving the hall, Özel said, "We don't have time to waste listening to someone who changes his party's leadership and replaces it with an appointment that suits him, someone who imprisons our presidential candidate, someone who just this morning carried out an operation against the innocent Mersin Mayor in order to win the Union of Turkish Municipalities elections, someone who tries to march on the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality every day by threatening and poaching district municipal council members, someone who has allowed the poor to be plundered through a fund crisis and remained silent about it, and who once again attacks the CHP to change the agenda."

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk addressed [the people] as follows...

The highlights of Erdoğan's speech from the Parliament podium were as follows:

First and foremost, I commemorate with mercy the 115 members, above all, who, 106 years ago, after the Friday prayer performed at the Hacı Bayram Veli Mosque, proclaimed the will of our nation to the world from Ankara the heart of independence with prayers, takbirs, and the resolve and passion for independence, along with all our deputies who have served our nation worthily under this exalted roof until today and have passed away.

Once again, here, I ask mercy from the Almighty for all our martyrs who, for a thousand years in this geography, sacrificed their lives without blinking an eye for the survival of our nation, and for those among our veterans who have passed away. Right at the beginning of my words, I want to express with all my heart this truth: The only parliament in the world that has been honored with the title of 'gazi' twice is the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye. This assembly successfully led and directed the national struggle against the invaders who attempted to put shackles on the feet and a rope around the neck of our nation.

Look, the minutes of our Grand National Assembly of Türkiye between 1920 and 1923 are the most vivid witnesses of how Türkiye was made a homeland for the second time. The following words that Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk uttered in 1921 at the opening of the second legislative year of the Grand National Assembly are a clear expression of the love of freedom that is in the very cells of our nation and of the historic mission of our parliament. In those painful days when the Turkish nation was squeezed between independence and annihilation, Gazi Mustafa Kemal, in his capacity as Speaker of the Assembly, addressed [the people] as follows.

Esteemed colleagues, let us once again recall the distances we have covered from the Armistice days, when the entire nation looked death in the eye, to this day, and the countless difficulties we have overcome. Since times whose beginning is unknown.

Our nation, which lives with the honor of independence, seemed to be heading toward the worst of ends through death, yet the voice of our ancestors, who called their children to rise up against enslavement, rose in our hearts and invited us to the final war of liberation. The days of despair and faint-heartedness are now far behind. While Your Exalted Assembly enters its second legislative year having shown the country the path to liberation, the true path, and having gathered the entire nation under its banner of independence I pray that the lights beginning to dawn on our horizon may be auspicious for a good morning in this unfortunate homeland of ours, which has seen so many disasters. Ninety-five years after this speech, which was frequently interrupted by applause, our Exalted Assembly once again fulfilled its duty of leading the nation. On the night of July 15, our Gazi Assembly, which defended the nation's trust under bombs, together with our nation that resisted the coup in squares, streets, and airports, passed that heavy test with a clean record.

On this occasion, I thank all our deputies who protected the nation's trust that night, and I say, may my Lord never again oblige this assembly to wage the same struggle. I specifically express the satisfaction I feel at addressing you in the General Assembly hall of the Gazi Assembly, whose past is so glorious and whose duty is so sublime.

Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya

The essence of the Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya affair is not a simple insider trading allegation, but a concentrated manifestation of a crisis of political trust. The core contradiction is this: a ruling party vice chair responsible for social policy is accused of earning over 2 billion ₺ in profit just before a financial crisis affecting millions of people yet her name does not appear on the regulatory agency's investigation list. This state of being "publicly accused but not formally investigated" is more destructive than the allegation itself, as it points to a structural crack in the institutional credibility of the regulatory body.

72 hours from allegation to resignation

On September 25, 2026, Yeni Parti (New Party) spokesperson Zeynel Emre publicly announced the following allegation at the Bahçelievler district congress: AKP Vice Chair and former Minister of Family and Social Policies Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya and her husband İlyas Kaya obtained an extraordinary profit exceeding 2 billion ₺ through transactions in Özata Denizcilik (OZATD) shares just before the "fund crisis" broke out.

The key data at the center of the allegation are as follows.

The structural asymmetry between power and information

Responsibility or evasion of accountability?

My TİP Kocaeli Experience

Photo Emin Alper on Pexels

Yesterday, I had a meeting with a few people from the Kocaeli Provincial Organization of the Workers' Party of Türkiye (TİP). They welcomed me with great interest and I was happy. They listened to me, asked whether I had any questions I wanted to ask them, and we established a nice dialogue. I had never seen such a nice welcome in any political party before. Although I had previously been a member of the Republican People's Party (CHP), and before that I had no membership in any political party. For this reason, I had no political background either.

When the Republican People's Party was annulled with absolute nullity, I had resigned from the party, and afterwards I had not become a member of any party. Of my own volition, I joined the Workers' Party of Türkiye and became an active member. I joined the Workers' Party of Türkiye (TİP) not to participate in actions in the streets, but to observe the field and to report by shooting videos. In this way, I think I can contribute more to the party. In other words, I think that being a member of a political party is not only about participating in actions, but also that it would be more efficient to benefit the party in other areas where one can provide benefit.

At the Workers' Party of Türkiye Kocaeli Organization, Ms. Özlem welcomed me and took an interest. After a long conversation with her, she gave information about the party and talked about the work they do. In other words, she introduced the party in its true sense. Ms. Özlem was a very kind person with strong communication skills, and while we were chatting, two more gentlemen came and our conversation spread to a wider area, and we began to talk about different fields as well. We had a pleasant conversation and then parted ways.

I read the Bylaws of the Workers' Party of Türkiye and examined the Party Program. I recommend that you examine the Bylaws.

The Gap between embargo rhetoric and reality

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On May 2, 2024, Türkiye announced that it had completely halted all trade relations with Israel. According to official statements, exports, imports, free zone trade, and transit trade were fully suspended, and Turkish-flagged and Israeli-flagged air and sea transportation were banned. However, international trade data, ship tracking systems, and independent research reveal that this embargo has remained largely on paper, with trade continuing through various indirect channels.

There is a massive gap between Türkiye's official data and Israel's official data

While the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) data shows no trade items with Israel after May 2, 2024, according to Trading Economics, which compiles the UN COMTRADE database, Israel's imports from Türkiye in 2025 were recorded at $2.12 billion. This figure places Türkiye as Israel's 10th largest import source, on par with the United Kingdom.

According to data from the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), **exports from Türkiye to Israel in 2025 amounted to $924.1 million**. In just the January-February 2026 period, this figure reached $176.1 million.

The top product groups exported from Türkiye to Israel in 2025 were as follows.

The "confidential country" category and the transparency problem

Murat Emir, Deputy Group Chair of the Yeni Party, drew attention to the "Confidential Country" heading in TURKSTAT's foreign trade statistics, opened under the pretext of "commercial secrecy." Noting that this category showed a volume of $2.1 billion for 2025, Emir asked, "Was the export to Israel recorded under this 'confidential country' item?"

The Ministry of Trade, however, denied these claims, asserting that the customs system is completely closed to Israel and that no trade transactions have been registered for 23 months. The Ministry labeled the claims based on Israeli data as "disinformation."

Oil shipments covert flow through Ceyhan Port

One of the most striking contradictions is in oil shipments. Despite Türkiye's embargo decision, Azerbaijani oil continues to be shipped from the Ceyhan terminal to Israel.

According to data compiled by Reuters from ship tracking systems, the amount of Azerbaijani oil sent from Ceyhan to Israel increased by 31% in 2025, reaching 94,000 barrels per day. This was recorded as the highest level in the last three years.

Oil sent from Azerbaijan via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline meets approximately 30% of Israel's oil needs.

The shadow fleet ships disabling signals

International investigations reveal in detail how the embargo is being circumvented. According to research conducted by Middle East Eye in collaboration with the "No Port for Genocide" campaign.

Covert crude oil shipments to Israel between May 2024 and December 2025.

• 57 covert crude oil shipments
• Approximately 47 million barrels of oil
• Shipments were carried out via Türkiye
• Ships disabled their tracking systems (AIS), going into "dark" mode
• Egypt's Port Said was reported as the false destination

Military material shipments.

• 13 military shipments in 2025 (ammunition, machine gun components, defense materials belonging to Elbit Systems)

Coal shipments.

• 8 covert coal shipments between October 2023 and February 2026
• Total of 751,000 tons of South African coal

The role of Greek companies

The majority of covert shipments are carried out by Greek shipping companies. According to the research.

• Companies Thenamaris and Kyklades increased their share of oil shipments after the embargo from approximately 22% to over 91%
• Greek tankers circumvented Türkiye's Israel embargo via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline
• Ships violated international maritime rules by reporting false destinations and disabling tracking systems

The Palestinian route claim

The Ministry of Trade argues that the trade appearing in Israeli records stems from shipments made to the Palestinian Authority. According to the Ministry.

• Since Palestine has no port or customs of its own, shipments are technically made through Israeli ports
• Shipments are carried out with the approval of the Palestinian Ministry of National Economy
• There is approximately $50-60 million in monthly Palestinian trade.

However, Yeni Party's Emir claims that the Israeli statistical office does not include trade with the Palestinian Authority in the standard "Israeli foreign trade" tables, therefore the announced figures directly reflect Türkiye-Israel trade.

The Gap between official statements and industry data

Türkiye's Ministry of Trade maintains that the embargo is being fully implemented.

"Since May 2, 2024, trade with Israel has been zero. The customs system is closed."

Political consequences and contradictory messages

The claims that trade is continuing create a serious credibility problem in Türkiye's foreign policy.

1. While harsh rhetoric against Israel continues in public, the continuation of trade relations behind the scenes causes foreign policy to be perceived as "two-faced."
2. U.S. Ambassador to Ankara Tom Barrack, at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, stated "Türkiye and Israel will not fight each other" implying that a trade agreement between the two countries could be made in the "not-too-distant future."
3. While Türkiye is seeking an Interpol "Red Notice" for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, the continuation of billions of dollars in trade during the same period raises questions about the sincerity of Türkiye's support for the Palestinian cause.

Available data clearly demonstrates a deep chasm between Türkiye's "no trade with Israel" rhetoric and international trade data. Despite official statements.

• UN COMTRADE data shows a $2.12 billion trade volume in 2025
• Israeli official data records $924 million in exports in 2025
• Ship tracking systems confirm that covert oil shipments from Ceyhan port to Israel are continuing
• "Shadow fleet" operations conducted through Greek companies reveal that the embargo is being systematically circumvented
• The appearance of $2.1 billion in TURKSTAT's "Confidential Country" category deepens the transparency problem

This contradiction raises serious questions about the sincerity of Türkiye's support for the Palestinian cause, its foreign policy credibility, and its commitment to international obligations. This chasm between harsh public rhetoric and the trade relations that continue in reality represents a significant test for the future stance and reputation of Turkish foreign policy.

Note: This article is based on publicly available trade data, shipping records, and reporting from various news sources. All figures are cited from their respective sources and are presented for informational purposes.

When the law bends to power Türkiye’s crisis of judicial credibility

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The current state of Türkiye’s judiciary, particularly after the critical turning points of 2010 and 2016, has undergone a profound transformation. While judicial independence is constitutionally guaranteed under Article 138, the practical application of this principle has become one of the most contentious issues in the country’s modern political history. The growing influence of the executive branch over judicial appointments and disciplinary proceedings has led to a widening gap between legal assurances and on-the-ground realities.

The structural transformation of the judiciary

The restructuring of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) has been a focal point of criticism. Changes in the appointment mechanisms and the composition of the council have raised concerns that the judiciary is increasingly staffed with cadres aligned with the ruling administration. This shift is perceived by many observers as eroding the institutional autonomy of the courts, creating a judiciary that is not only responsive to the executive but also integral to its strategy of consolidating power.

This structural transformation has given rise to what many describe as the "field reality" a widespread perception that legal decisions, especially in politically sensitive cases, are shaped more by anticipated political outcomes than by objective legal evidence. This perception is not limited to political opposition; it is shared by segments of the legal community, academia, and international watchdogs, all of whom have documented instances of due process violations and politically motivated prosecutions.

The polarized interpretation of justice

The most challenging aspect of this debate is its deeply polarized nature. The government maintains that all judicial decisions are made independently and based on concrete evidence, particularly in cases related to terrorism and organized crime. Conversely, opposition groups and civil society organizations contend that these very same cases are often used as instruments to silence dissent and marginalize political rivals.

This polarization means that the same court ruling can be interpreted in completely opposite ways depending on one’s political stance. Such a fragmented understanding of justice undermines the foundational principle that the law should be a neutral arbiter in society, not a weapon to be wielded in partisan conflict.

International perspective and compliance

The domestic controversies have significant international repercussions. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has issued multiple rulings against Türkiye, citing violations of freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial in prominent cases, such as those of Osman Kavala and Ahmet Altan. These rulings highlight an increasing dissonance between Türkiye’s domestic legal practices and its international human rights obligations. Furthermore, the continuous criticism from the Venice Commission and other European bodies underscores the systemic nature of these concerns, placing Türkiye’s judiciary under persistent international scrutiny.

A test of democratic resilience

Türkiye finds itself at a critical juncture. The credibility of its judiciary is not merely a matter of domestic political debate but a crucial factor influencing its international standing and internal stability. The current trajectory marked by executive dominance over judicial appointments, politically charged prosecutions, and international censure poses a fundamental challenge to the rule of law. For Türkiye to navigate this period without long-term damage to its democratic institutions, it will require a genuine and inclusive dialogue among all stakeholders, aimed at rebuilding public trust in the independence, impartiality, and integrity of its judicial system.