This is Emre.

My TİP Kocaeli Experience

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Yesterday, I had a meeting with a few people from the Kocaeli Provincial Organization of the Workers' Party of Türkiye (TİP). They welcomed me with great interest and I was happy. They listened to me, asked whether I had any questions I wanted to ask them, and we established a nice dialogue. I had never seen such a nice welcome in any political party before. Although I had previously been a member of the Republican People's Party (CHP), and before that I had no membership in any political party. For this reason, I had no political background either.

When the Republican People's Party was annulled with absolute nullity, I had resigned from the party, and afterwards I had not become a member of any party. Of my own volition, I joined the Workers' Party of Türkiye and became an active member. I joined the Workers' Party of Türkiye (TİP) not to participate in actions in the streets, but to observe the field and to report by shooting videos. In this way, I think I can contribute more to the party. In other words, I think that being a member of a political party is not only about participating in actions, but also that it would be more efficient to benefit the party in other areas where one can provide benefit.

At the Workers' Party of Türkiye Kocaeli Organization, Ms. Özlem welcomed me and took an interest. After a long conversation with her, she gave information about the party and talked about the work they do. In other words, she introduced the party in its true sense. Ms. Özlem was a very kind person with strong communication skills, and while we were chatting, two more gentlemen came and our conversation spread to a wider area, and we began to talk about different fields as well. We had a pleasant conversation and then parted ways.

I read the Bylaws of the Workers' Party of Türkiye and examined the Party Program. I recommend that you examine the Bylaws.

The Gap between embargo rhetoric and reality

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On May 2, 2024, Türkiye announced that it had completely halted all trade relations with Israel. According to official statements, exports, imports, free zone trade, and transit trade were fully suspended, and Turkish-flagged and Israeli-flagged air and sea transportation were banned. However, international trade data, ship tracking systems, and independent research reveal that this embargo has remained largely on paper, with trade continuing through various indirect channels.

There is a massive gap between Türkiye's official data and Israel's official data

While the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) data shows no trade items with Israel after May 2, 2024, according to Trading Economics, which compiles the UN COMTRADE database, Israel's imports from Türkiye in 2025 were recorded at $2.12 billion. This figure places Türkiye as Israel's 10th largest import source, on par with the United Kingdom.

According to data from the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), **exports from Türkiye to Israel in 2025 amounted to $924.1 million**. In just the January-February 2026 period, this figure reached $176.1 million.

The top product groups exported from Türkiye to Israel in 2025 were as follows.

The "confidential country" category and the transparency problem

Murat Emir, Deputy Group Chair of the Yeni Party, drew attention to the "Confidential Country" heading in TURKSTAT's foreign trade statistics, opened under the pretext of "commercial secrecy." Noting that this category showed a volume of $2.1 billion for 2025, Emir asked, "Was the export to Israel recorded under this 'confidential country' item?"

The Ministry of Trade, however, denied these claims, asserting that the customs system is completely closed to Israel and that no trade transactions have been registered for 23 months. The Ministry labeled the claims based on Israeli data as "disinformation."

Oil shipments covert flow through Ceyhan Port

One of the most striking contradictions is in oil shipments. Despite Türkiye's embargo decision, Azerbaijani oil continues to be shipped from the Ceyhan terminal to Israel.

According to data compiled by Reuters from ship tracking systems, the amount of Azerbaijani oil sent from Ceyhan to Israel increased by 31% in 2025, reaching 94,000 barrels per day. This was recorded as the highest level in the last three years.

Oil sent from Azerbaijan via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline meets approximately 30% of Israel's oil needs.

The shadow fleet ships disabling signals

International investigations reveal in detail how the embargo is being circumvented. According to research conducted by Middle East Eye in collaboration with the "No Port for Genocide" campaign.

Covert crude oil shipments to Israel between May 2024 and December 2025.

• 57 covert crude oil shipments
• Approximately 47 million barrels of oil
• Shipments were carried out via Türkiye
• Ships disabled their tracking systems (AIS), going into "dark" mode
• Egypt's Port Said was reported as the false destination

Military material shipments.

• 13 military shipments in 2025 (ammunition, machine gun components, defense materials belonging to Elbit Systems)

Coal shipments.

• 8 covert coal shipments between October 2023 and February 2026
• Total of 751,000 tons of South African coal

The role of Greek companies

The majority of covert shipments are carried out by Greek shipping companies. According to the research.

• Companies Thenamaris and Kyklades increased their share of oil shipments after the embargo from approximately 22% to over 91%
• Greek tankers circumvented Türkiye's Israel embargo via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline
• Ships violated international maritime rules by reporting false destinations and disabling tracking systems

The Palestinian route claim

The Ministry of Trade argues that the trade appearing in Israeli records stems from shipments made to the Palestinian Authority. According to the Ministry.

• Since Palestine has no port or customs of its own, shipments are technically made through Israeli ports
• Shipments are carried out with the approval of the Palestinian Ministry of National Economy
• There is approximately $50-60 million in monthly Palestinian trade.

However, Yeni Party's Emir claims that the Israeli statistical office does not include trade with the Palestinian Authority in the standard "Israeli foreign trade" tables, therefore the announced figures directly reflect Türkiye-Israel trade.

The Gap between official statements and industry data

Türkiye's Ministry of Trade maintains that the embargo is being fully implemented.

"Since May 2, 2024, trade with Israel has been zero. The customs system is closed."

However, international data and field research contradict this claim.

Political consequences and contradictory messages

The claims that trade is continuing create a serious credibility problem in Türkiye's foreign policy.

1. While harsh rhetoric against Israel continues in public, the continuation of trade relations behind the scenes causes foreign policy to be perceived as "two-faced."
2. U.S. Ambassador to Ankara Tom Barrack, at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, stated "Türkiye and Israel will not fight each other" implying that a trade agreement between the two countries could be made in the "not-too-distant future."
3. While Türkiye is seeking an Interpol "Red Notice" for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, the continuation of billions of dollars in trade during the same period raises questions about the sincerity of Türkiye's support for the Palestinian cause.

Available data clearly demonstrates a deep chasm between Türkiye's "no trade with Israel" rhetoric and international trade data. Despite official statements.

• UN COMTRADE data shows a $2.12 billion trade volume in 2025
• Israeli official data records $924 million in exports in 2025
• Ship tracking systems confirm that covert oil shipments from Ceyhan port to Israel are continuing
• "Shadow fleet" operations conducted through Greek companies reveal that the embargo is being systematically circumvented
• The appearance of $2.1 billion in TURKSTAT's "Confidential Country" category deepens the transparency problem

This contradiction raises serious questions about the sincerity of Türkiye's support for the Palestinian cause, its foreign policy credibility, and its commitment to international obligations. This chasm between harsh public rhetoric and the trade relations that continue in reality represents a significant test for the future stance and reputation of Turkish foreign policy.

Note: This article is based on publicly available trade data, shipping records, and reporting from various news sources. All figures are cited from their respective sources and are presented for informational purposes.

When the law bends to power Türkiye’s crisis of judicial credibility

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The current state of Türkiye’s judiciary, particularly after the critical turning points of 2010 and 2016, has undergone a profound transformation. While judicial independence is constitutionally guaranteed under Article 138, the practical application of this principle has become one of the most contentious issues in the country’s modern political history. The growing influence of the executive branch over judicial appointments and disciplinary proceedings has led to a widening gap between legal assurances and on-the-ground realities.

The structural transformation of the judiciary

The restructuring of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) has been a focal point of criticism. Changes in the appointment mechanisms and the composition of the council have raised concerns that the judiciary is increasingly staffed with cadres aligned with the ruling administration. This shift is perceived by many observers as eroding the institutional autonomy of the courts, creating a judiciary that is not only responsive to the executive but also integral to its strategy of consolidating power.

This structural transformation has given rise to what many describe as the "field reality" a widespread perception that legal decisions, especially in politically sensitive cases, are shaped more by anticipated political outcomes than by objective legal evidence. This perception is not limited to political opposition; it is shared by segments of the legal community, academia, and international watchdogs, all of whom have documented instances of due process violations and politically motivated prosecutions.

The polarized interpretation of justice

The most challenging aspect of this debate is its deeply polarized nature. The government maintains that all judicial decisions are made independently and based on concrete evidence, particularly in cases related to terrorism and organized crime. Conversely, opposition groups and civil society organizations contend that these very same cases are often used as instruments to silence dissent and marginalize political rivals.

This polarization means that the same court ruling can be interpreted in completely opposite ways depending on one’s political stance. Such a fragmented understanding of justice undermines the foundational principle that the law should be a neutral arbiter in society, not a weapon to be wielded in partisan conflict.

International perspective and compliance

The domestic controversies have significant international repercussions. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has issued multiple rulings against Türkiye, citing violations of freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial in prominent cases, such as those of Osman Kavala and Ahmet Altan. These rulings highlight an increasing dissonance between Türkiye’s domestic legal practices and its international human rights obligations. Furthermore, the continuous criticism from the Venice Commission and other European bodies underscores the systemic nature of these concerns, placing Türkiye’s judiciary under persistent international scrutiny.

A test of democratic resilience

Türkiye finds itself at a critical juncture. The credibility of its judiciary is not merely a matter of domestic political debate but a crucial factor influencing its international standing and internal stability. The current trajectory marked by executive dominance over judicial appointments, politically charged prosecutions, and international censure poses a fundamental challenge to the rule of law. For Türkiye to navigate this period without long-term damage to its democratic institutions, it will require a genuine and inclusive dialogue among all stakeholders, aimed at rebuilding public trust in the independence, impartiality, and integrity of its judicial system.

Zafer Party Leader Prof. Dr. Ümit Özdağ Warns of Multidimensional Crisis Involving Territorial Integrity, Demographics, Economy, and Social Fabric.

Prof. Dr. Ümit Özdağ, the Chairman of the Zafer Party, in his latest political assessment, has claimed that the Republic of Türkiye is undergoing a process of "slow-motion collapse." According to Özdağ, the country is facing one of the greatest threats in its history, and the most dangerous aspect of this process is the apparent consensus between the ruling party and the opposition on many critical issues.

At the heart of Özdağ's criticism lies the so-called "Framework Law" which he alleges grants amnesty to the PKK terrorist organization, and the subsequent constitutional amendment debates. He argues that these arrangements aim to dismantle the national, unitary, and secular state founded by Atatürk. In its place, he contends, there is an attempt to establish a new, multi-national state model composed of autonomous regions, paving the way for fragmentation. In this context, he criticizes the laws passed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly, emphasizing that this process is being carried out "through the Gazi Parliament."

The party leader does not limit his definition of "slow-motion collapse" solely to political regulations. He expands his criticism by highlighting the multidimensional crises facing the country. Foremost among these is the "demographic threat" posed by a foreign-born population exceeding 13 million. Additionally, he draws attention to the deepening economic depression, widespread addiction issues affecting 6 million people (including 4 million drug addicts and 2 million addicted to virtual gambling), and the alarming rate of femicide, where an average of 1.5 women are murdered daily, illustrating the extent of social decay.

Özdağ directs particularly harsh criticism at the economic management, alleging that the government does not hesitate to sell public assets to finance election economics. He cites the sale (privatization) of bridges and highways for 30-year periods through presidential decrees as an example, claiming this practice is essentially an effort to generate funds for the ruling administration.

In the face of all these developments, Ümit Özdağ emphasizes that a solution is only possible through the will of the Turkish nation. He asserts that the Zafer Party, with its understanding of Turkish nationalism in line with Atatürk's principles, represents the sole political will capable of rescuing the country from this multidimensional collapse. He states that they will offer comprehensive solutions in every area, from border security and the justice system to economic prosperity and social peace. 

I was born on the edge of a dusty road, among the yellow grasses swaying in wave after wave of wind.

The steppe of Central Anatolia was not merely a geography; it was a state of mind. My childhood passed across those plains where the horizon stretched like a line, in that feeling of infinity where the sky met the earth. Then I grew up, merged into the crowds of cities, and lost myself among piles of concrete. But the steppe always remained within me as a silent call flowing through my blood until one day, that call turned into a cry.

I remember: summer evenings, those hours when the sun sank like a crimson fireball beyond the horizon. The fields would turn golden yellow, and the scent of thyme carried by the wind would fill my nostrils. My grandfather's hands were calloused, his face carved with the lines of the steppe. With those hands, he would sow seeds as if caressing the parched soil. "This land" he would say, "teaches a person patience. It asks nothing of you; it only knows how to wait for its time." I didn't understand it then, but now I know that the steppe is the purest embodiment of waiting, patience, and labor.

Years passed. I lived in the gray streets of Kocaeli, unaware of how time flowed by. Every day the same rush, every night the same exhaustion. But occasionally, in a breath of wind, in a bird's song, in the steam rising from a glass of tea, I would find something reminiscent of the steppe. Those moments made me feel something stirring in the depths of my heart. As if the steppe were an ancient wisdom calling out to me, and I had long turned a deaf ear to that call. Those deep folk songs about the steppe reminded me of my true self and told me to return to the place I belonged.

Last spring, I set out under the pretext of a business trip. It was just a pretext, really; inside me lay an indescribable longing. As the car moved toward the plains of Central Anatolia, the landscape began to change. I had seen every shade of green, but the steppe's own peculiar yellowish-brown filled me with a warmth that soothed my soul. I turned off the radio and rolled down the window. The wind struck my face the scent of my childhood, the smell of fields, of mud, of dry grass... My eyes welled up.That day, I walked through the fields where I used to run as a child. The bushes by the roadside were still in the same places. Beyond a distant hill stood the ruined house where we had played hide-and-seek as children, where we ran and had fun; it was still there. I touched the soil. What was that feeling like? Warm, dry, rough yet at the same time alive, something that breathed. My grandfather's words came back to me: "This land teaches a person patience." So the steppe had not abandoned me. It was I who had forgotten it.

That night, I sat in a village coffeehouse. The elderly men were playing backgammon, and tea was being brewed. Outside, the stars were brighter and closer than I could ever see in the cities. There was a deep silence but this was not the artificial silence of cities; it was the deep breath of the earth. In that moment, I realized that the steppe was not actually silence, but rather a whisper thousands of years old. That whisper was kneaded with the footprints of Hittites, Phrygians, and Seljuks; every stone, every blade of grass told a story. And I was part of that story.

Now I know: a person is the child of the soil they were born on. No matter how far they wander, the wind will one day bring them back. The steppe gave me not just a place, but a sense of belonging. My desire to return there was not an escape, but an effort to take root. My memories blossomed anew on those parched lands. Just as the steppe suddenly comes to life after spring rains flowers bloom, grasses sprout, butterflies flutter so too were the arid lands within me watered.

The steppe is silent and dignified. It does not speak; but you feel it. Its call is not an invitation, but a reminder: "Do not forget where you came from." And now, I return there at every opportunity. Because that is where my story began. No matter how much concrete is laid, no matter how much time passes, that steppe will always flourish in the depths of my soul. I am a child of the steppe, and my roots continue to sway in the wind, among those yellow grasses.