Return to founding principles: the necessity of collective wisdom and democracy

The agenda in Türkiye changes very rapidly, or there is a desire by some to change it. This is because the deep economic crisis, poverty, and even hunger are creating a massive crisis in the country. The government is busy constantly shifting the agenda to deflect incoming criticism in other directions, but it takes no steps to solve these problems.

Photo Talha Uğuz on Pexels

The unfathomable magnitude of the foreign debt, the interest being paid, and the fact that these debts will also have to be paid by future generations are opening deep wounds in the country. Then I sit and think about it, and I conclude that these things are actually being done intentionally. Because no sane person would knowingly surrender the country to such deep poverty and debt. Only those who are someone else's pawn, who commit treason against the homeland, could consciously take these steps.

I believe we are witnessing the final days of this filthy clique that uses the country's resources and engages in shady dealings to amass a fortune of a few hundred billion dollars. It is precisely because they are living their final days that they exhibit such an aggressive attitude. The government, wanting to eliminate the opposition or design it according to its own desires, is engaging in certain shady dealings and trying to do political engineering because it realizes it cannot succeed. However, since these actions have no traction within society, it seems highly unlikely they will succeed.

Ruling powers that lose the support of society are doomed to lose. Parties that gain the support of society will, one way or another, definitely come to power one day and rule the country. Of course, the important issue here, which is also the expectation of society, will be to question the shady dealings of the previous government, have them investigated by an independent judiciary, and prosecute if there is any irregularity. The shady dealings of the government will definitely come to light one day, and steps must be taken to ensure they are not repeated.

Leaving the administration of the state to the initiative of a single person means being dragged into the abyss. Governments that lack the capacity, education, and equipment to rule a country, and that do not feel a sense of belonging to the country, absolutely must not be in charge of the administration. Otherwise, the example of Türkiye should be examined and a lesson must be learned.

A single person must never be the decision-making authority. The Republic of Türkiye is governed by democracy, and the Members of Parliament in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM), who are elected by the public to act as their representatives, should be the authority taking the decisions. That is to say, collective wisdom always develops a country and brings it to prosperity. Countries that are not governed by collective wisdom become trapped in darkness.

Türkiye is not like an Arab country. Neither the society nor the form of government resembles those in Arab countries. Even if it wanted to, it couldn't, because the abundant oil resources found in Arab countries unfortunately do not exist in Türkiye. The administrations of Arab countries (especially those ruled by monarchy) distribute resources as much as possible to keep the society satisfied. They share the oil revenues with the public; otherwise, the public would revolt, and the monarchy would collapse. However, since Türkiye cannot distribute an oil resource it does not possess to the public, it cannot be like Arab countries, and indeed it should not be.

Therefore, the Republic of Türkiye must return to its founding principles and state administration, and it must have robustly functioning institutions. Otherwise, it will sink to the absolute bottom of darkness. Since there will be no deeper bottom left to hit after a while anyway, a rebellion will break out in society.

"The Republic of Türkiye, devotedly founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his comrades-in-arms, will stand forever."

The Turkish society has no problems whatsoever with the Kurdish society. They have lived together without issues under the same roof for centuries and have established neighborhood and kinship relations. That is to say, a Kurdish youth is not subjected to discrimination in the Republic of Türkiye; just like every citizen, they can benefit from all rights. Education, social, justice...

No distinction is made based on language, religion, or race, and everyone is equal before the law.

Long live the Republic, long live Liberty!

A Political Rupture Born Out of Necessity

Members of Parliament Departing from CHP and the Organizational Dynamics of the New Party

Turkish political history is no stranger to breakaways stemming from internal regulations, leadership friction, and ideological mismatches within mainstream parties, nor to the new political movements that emerge in their wake. In July 2026, the mass resignations within the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the subsequent establishment of the New Party (Yeni Parti) were recorded as one of the most radical institutional transformations experienced by main opposition actors. The New Party — announced after 91 MPs, under the leadership of Özgür Özel, coordinated their resignations via e-Devlet — symbolizes not merely a new entity on the political stage, but a complete reshaping of the power balances within the opposition.

This paper analyzes the founding processes of the New Party — formed by MPs who left the CHP citing that “no other way out was left” — alongside the legal and political dynamics that triggered the split, its impact on the power balances within the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM), and its potential ramifications for Turkish politics.

The Road to Split: Legal Bottlenecks and Intra-Party Polarization

The chain of events leading to the founding of the New Party gained momentum through a series of tensions at the intersection of intra-party management mechanisms and legal/judicial procedures. Bottlenecks within the CHP’s internal regulations and party democracy processes weakened dialogue channels between party organs and the parliamentary group.

Uncertainties in party leadership under judicial rulings and regulation enforcement reinforced the perception among MPs that their room for maneuver was increasingly restricted. Friction surrounding primary election mechanisms, the closure of internal reconciliation channels, and disputes over the binding nature of Party Council decisions made continuing politics under the existing umbrella unsustainable for the intra-party opposition. The emphasis on “necessity” highlighted in the departing group’s declarations was framed not as a mere political choice, but as an obligatory way out imposed by legal and administrative bottlenecks.

Submitting the official petition for establishment to the Ministry of Interior on July 24, 2026 — coinciding with the anniversary of the Treaty of Lausanne — underscored the symbolic dimension of this political maneuver. Registered as the 190th political party in the records of the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office of the Court of Cassation, the New Party immediately positioned itself to influence political dynamics through its substantial parliamentary representation.

Parliamentary Balances and the New Party from an Institutional Perspective

The resignation of 91 MPs created an immediate and profound shift in the parliamentary seat distribution of the TBMM:

  • Parliamentary Group Position: Holding 91 seats, the New Party established the second-largest parliamentary group in the TBMM, immediately behind the AK Party.
  • Main Opposition Arithmetic: The significant shrinkage of the CHP group brought debates over leadership and representation within the opposition bloc to a new dimension.
  • Financial and Legal Framework: Having not yet participated in a general election, the New Party is ineligible for Treasury financial aid under the Law on Political Parties. Consequently, it opted to finance its operations through membership dues, public donation campaigns, and solidarity funds.

Ideological Framework, Centrist Claim, and the Voter Base

The core principles highlighted in the founding declaration of the New Party reflect an intention to build a centrist political movement beyond ideological polarization, alongside the claim of preserving fundamental Republican values:

  1. Republican Values and Inclusivity: Operating within the framework of Atatürk’s principles and the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî) values, the party aims to encompass a broad base including conservative, nationalist, and social-democratic segments of society.
  2. Focus on Economy and Social Welfare: Rather than engaging in political feuds, the platform prioritizes pressing economic issues, income inequality, and institutional meritocracy.
  3. Organizational Model: Completing provincial and district organization across Türkiye in a short period through the participation of former MPs, local administrators, and youth branches has been set as a top priority.

The widespread support from former MPs and provincial organization leaders demonstrates that the party resonates at the grassroots level rather than remaining confined to a parliamentary group.

Conclusion and Effects on Turkish Political Life

The establishment of the New Party proves once again that party formation dynamics in Turkish politics can be driven not only by ideological divergences, but also by clogged channels of intra-party democracy and legal necessities.

The departing group’s assessment that “no other way was left” has opened the opposition’s capacity to manage its internal crises up for debate in the current political system. The New Party’s weight in the TBMM carries the potential to directly influence legislative activities, alliance searches, and vote distribution dynamics in upcoming general elections.


Photo by Christian Lue on Unsplash

References

  • Anka News Agency (July 25, 2026). “Özgür Özel resigned from CHP… 91 CHP deputies resigned from their party and became the founders of the NEW Party.”
  • Aposto (July 24, 2026). “A ‘new’ era in politics: 91 deputies resigned from CHP and founded the New Party.”
  • Medyascope (July 27, 2026). “264 former deputies resigned from CHP, announced support for the NEW Party.”
  • Bianet (August 3, 2026). “New Party raised 240.3 million TL in donations in five days / Analysis of TBMM seat distribution and Treasury aid.”
  • Wikipedia / Political History Archive (2026). “New Party (2026) — Establishment History, Ideology, and TBMM Process.”