Knowledgeable people who research and read

I had conversations over tea with great people who are older than me.

Photo Mehmet Teke on Pexels


On August 29, 2026, we met up with MR. Nihat, a retired soldier, and MR. Tuğrul, a retired teacher, for a pleasant conversation. Over sips of tea, we discussed Türkiye's structural problems and possible solutions.

Having been a soldier, MR. Nihat had the opportunity to serve in various parts of Türkiye and is quite familiar with the country's diverse human cultures. MR. Tuğrul, as a former teacher, has educated thousands of students across many regions of Türkiye and is an experienced educator who has been immersed in different cultures.

MR. Nihat conducts research on philosophy and Turkic languages, and is also writing a thesis on a particular subject. On this occasion, he shared some of his research with me. He is a highly accomplished, very kind, and intellectual individual, shaped by the Republic's educational system. He is a remarkably knowledgeable and highly skilled person. Likewise, MR. Tuğrul is one of the enlightened individuals shaped by the Republic. His former students have gone on to carry out internationally recognized work and have represented Türkiye abroad. For a teacher, this is a tremendous source of pride and honor. On behalf of my country, meeting such valuable people and exchanging ideas with them made me very happy. I once again saw that we need enlightened and intellectual individuals to overcome this dark period Türkiye is going through. We are facing a government that is dragging Türkiye into the quagmire of the Middle East, shaking the fundamental values of the Republic, and disregarding our core values. This government is doing great harm to our country and spending the money of future generations on interest lobbies.

Turkish society needs to be analyzed carefully. The greatest weakness of our society has been 'religion' and politicians have managed to bring certain segments under their influence by engaging in religious peddling. However, it would be very wrong to say that these politicians are pious; they merely use religion as a tool.

The wrongdoings of the government and the deep economic poverty into which it has plunged our country have sparked a awakening of consciousness in society, and the public has now begun to think. Societies that think and question do not become puppets of politicians, because they constantly research and scrutinize what is being done. Under normal circumstances, the general elections planned for 2028 will likely be held in 2027, because the government needs an early election; otherwise, the current President cannot run for reelection. In the general election, which seems likely to take place in 2027, society will make its decision, but this time I believe the public will deal a heavy blow to the government. Because in the previous local elections, society enabled the main opposition party to win many municipalities that had been held by the ruling party, sending a strong message to the government. However, the ruling party, using state power, carried out dawn raids on the mayors elected by the people, forcibly taking them from their homes by police and arresting them after the detention process.

In the history of the Republic of Türkiye, there have been many poor administrations, but never before has there been a government that has wielded state power so recklessly.

Society is remaining silent for now, but when the ballot boxes are set up in the general election, the test for the government will begin. Society will give the government a great lesson and will authorize a new administration to make them pay for what they have done. I believe that the biggest corruption trials in the history of the Republic of Türkiye will be seen, because the government has become entangled in corruption on an incredible scale and has stolen the state's money. I believe that these deeds must not go unpunished and that one day the price must certainly be paid, because society harbors a tremendous anger toward the current government and demands that they be brought to justice.

Knowing that it cannot win the general election under the current circumstances, the ruling government has tried to reduce the opposition's vote share by splitting its votes, but it has not succeeded, because society will give its vote to the party most likely to defeat the government. The '50+1' electoral system currently in place in Türkiye will likely be changed again by the hands of the current government, because under these conditions it does not seem likely to receive 50% of the votes.

Anyway, to return to where we started, MR. Nihat and MR. Tuğrul gave me a new vision and sparked new ideas in my mind. I have gained new perspectives for our program called 'Körfez Masası' (Table of the Körfez), which we broadcast on YouTube, and I have already started working on new projects. I will announce my new projects as soon as possible. So far, we have shot four episodes, and we will soon be with you with Episode 5. Türkiye needs enlightened people more than ever, and this society will never forgive those who are hostile to it.

Türkiye’s final exit before the bridge

Contemporary Türkiye is currently navigating one of the most critical junctures in its republican history. The prolonged convergence of political and economic crises renders the sociological metaphor of the "final exit before the bridge" increasingly salient. While the Justice and Development Party (AKP) administration's two-decade tenure initially garnered public support through paradigms of economic growth and institutional reform, the policy trajectories ultimately adopted have driven the nation into a profound systemic impasse.

Photo Craig Adderley on Pexels


Macroeconomic unorthodoxy and deep poverty

A primary locus of criticism regarding the incumbent government involves its departure from rational macroeconomic principles. The persistent application of unorthodox economic theses fundamentally incongruent with universal economic science—most notably the assertion that "interest rates are the cause and inflation is the result"—has precipitated a historic depreciation of the Turkish Lira (₺). Consequently, Türkiye is currently experiencing not merely chronic inflation, but a severe structural reality of deep poverty.

Amidst the erosion of the middle class and a precipitous decline in purchasing power, fundamental necessities such as adequate housing and nutrition have been relegated to the status of luxury. As lower-income demographics struggle for basic subsistence, income inequality has widened to unprecedented levels within the republic's history.

Democratic erosion and the rule of law

This economic degradation is not an incidental byproduct; rather, it is a direct manifestation of institutional decay and democratic backsliding. The de facto eradication of the separation of powers and the centralization of authority under the Presidential Government System have effectively dismantled systemic checks and balances.

Within this trajectory, freedom of the press has sustained the most severe damage. Independent journalists endeavoring to inform the public regarding governmental missteps, corruption allegations, or the true magnitude of the economic crisis face systematic suppression through detentions, incarcerations, and censorship legislation. The press's normative function as the Fourth Estate has been largely supplanted by a governmental echo chamber. The systemic conflation of journalistic activity with ambiguous legal charges—such as "terrorism" or "inciting public hatred and enmity"—has emerged as the most coercive instrument suppressing freedom of expression.

The judicialization of politics and interference with the electorate's will

Free elections and a fair competitive environment, the foundational prerequisites of any democratic system, have been severely compromised by the politicization of the judiciary. The administration's concerted efforts to neutralize its most formidable political adversaries via judicial mechanisms—in order to mitigate the risk of electoral defeat—constitute a profound regression in the nation's political history.

The strategic deployment of unfounded indictments, political bans, and direct penal sentences to sideline opposition leaders and municipal mayors who possess significant public backing and the electoral potential to challenge President Erdoğan represents an intervention not merely against these individuals, but against the democratic will of millions of voters. The instrumentalization of the judiciary to eliminate political competition serves as the most explicit indicator of Türkiye's profound detachment from universal legal norms.

Türkiye is compelled to break free from this self-perpetuating cycle of economic devastation, systemic lawlessness, and authoritarianism. The accumulating societal grievances and the demand for change across diverse demographic strata indicate an urgent imperative to return to the nation's democratic foundations. Achieving economic prosperity is inherently unfeasible within a paradigm where the rule of law is absent, press freedom is curtailed, and political competitors are coerced with incarceration. The impending epoch constitutes the "final exit"—a critical threshold where Türkiye will either recalibrate its trajectory toward contemporary democracy or descend further into this authoritarian tunnel.

Democracy and Dissent The Erosion of Political Immunity in Türkiye

Demokrasi ve Muhalefet Türkiye'de Siyasi Dokunulmazlığın Aşınması

In any functioning democracy, the ability of parliamentarians to question the government, expose alleged wrongdoing, and speak freely is a fundamental pillar. Political immunity exists precisely for this reason: to protect elected representatives from judicial harassment and ensure they can perform their duties without fear of retribution. When this protection is undermined, the very foundations of democratic oversight are threatened.

İşleyen herhangi bir demokraside, parlamenterlerin hükümeti sorgulama, iddia edilen yanlışları ortaya çıkarma ve özgürce konuşma yeteneği temel bir dayanaktır. Siyasi dokunulmazlık tam da bu nedenle vardır: seçilmiş temsilcileri yargı tacizinden korumak ve görevlerini misilleme korkusu olmadan yerine getirebilmelerini sağlamak. Bu koruma zedelendiğinde, demokratik denetimin temelleri tehdit altına girer.

The Rising Trend of Legal Scrutiny on the Opposition
Muhalefet Üzerindeki Yasal İnceleme Eğiliminin Yükselişi

In recent years, Türkiye has witnessed a concerning trend where opposition members who vocalize allegations of corruption or criticize government policies face swift legal repercussions. The preparation of summaries of proceedings (fezleke) to lift parliamentary immunity has transformed from a rare necessity into a common political tool. This mechanism is increasingly deployed against those who bring uncomfortable truths to the public's attention, shifting the focus from the alleged corruption to the individuals exposing it.

Son yıllarda Türkiye, yolsuzluk iddialarını dile getiren veya hükümet politikalarını eleştiren muhalefet üyelerinin hızlı yasal sonuçlarla karşılaştığı endişe verici bir eğilime tanık olmaktadır. Parlamenter dokunulmazlığın kaldırılması için fezleke hazırlanması, nadir görülen bir zorunluluk olmaktan çıkıp yaygın bir siyasi araca dönüşmüştür. Bu mekanizma, rahatsız edici gerçekleri kamuoyunun dikkatine sunanlara karşı giderek daha fazla kullanılmakta ve odak noktasını iddia edilen yolsuzluklardan, bunları ortaya çıkaran bireylere kaydırmaktadır.

When politicians attempt to hold the ruling power accountable—whether by questioning public tenders awarded under suspicious circumstances, highlighting economic mismanagement, or revealing bureaucratic nepotism—they are performing their constitutional duty. Targeting these acts of transparency creates a political environment where silence is rewarded and critical inquiry is penalized.

Siyasetçiler, şüpheli koşullar altında verilen kamu ihalelerini sorgulayarak, ekonomik kötü yönetime dikkat çekerek veya bürokratik adam kayırmacılığı ortaya çıkararak iktidarı hesap vermeye zorlamaya çalıştıklarında, anayasal görevlerini yerine getirmektedirler. Bu şeffaflık eylemlerini hedef almak, sessizliğin ödüllendirildiği ve eleştirel sorgulamanın cezalandırıldığı bir siyasi ortam yaratmaktadır.

The Case of Turhan Çömez
Turhan Çömez Vakası

A recent and striking example of this pattern is the investigation launched against İYİ Party Member of Parliament Turhan Çömez. Known for his assertive political stance and his consistent efforts to bring government shortcomings to light, Çömez is now facing legal scrutiny. The justification provided for this new investigation is the alleged crime of "publicly disseminating misleading information."

Bu kalıbın son ve çarpıcı bir örneği, İYİ Parti Milletvekili Turhan Çömez hakkında başlatılan soruşturmadır. İddialı siyasi duruşu ve hükümetin eksikliklerini gün yüzüne çıkarma konusundaki tutarlı çabalarıyla bilinen Çömez, şu anda yasal bir incelemeyle karşı karşıyadır. Bu yeni soruşturma için sunulan gerekçe, "halkı yanıltıcı bilgiyi alenen yayma" suçlamasıdır.

Many political analysts and citizens share the skepticism that this accusation reflects a genuine legal concern. Instead, it is widely perceived as a strategic move to silence a prominent critical voice. By framing political dissent and the exposure of alleged corruption as the spread of "misleading information," the authorities can effectively weaponize the legal system against the opposition.

Birçok siyasi analist ve vatandaş, bu suçlamanın gerçek bir hukuki endişeyi yansıttığına dair şüpheyi paylaşmaktadır. Bunun yerine, yaygın olarak öne çıkan eleştirel bir sesi susturmaya yönelik stratejik bir hamle olarak algılanmaktadır. Siyasi muhalefeti ve iddia edilen yolsuzlukların ortaya çıkarılmasını "yanıltıcı bilginin" yayılması olarak çerçeveleyerek, yetkililer hukuk sistemini muhalefete karşı etkili bir şekilde silah olarak kullanabilmektedir.

The "Disinformation Law": Protection or Censorship?
"Dezenformasyon Yasası": Koruma mı Sansür mü?

The charge against Çömez stems from the controversial amendment to the penal code introduced in late 2022, often referred to as the "disinformation law" or "censorship law." While the stated legislative intent was to combat fake news and protect public order in the digital age, journalists, human rights organizations, and opposition parties heavily criticized the law from its inception.

Çömez'e yöneltilen suçlama, ceza kanununda 2022'nin sonlarında yapılan ve genellikle "dezenformasyon yasası" veya "sansür yasası" olarak adlandırılan tartışmalı değişiklikten kaynaklanmaktadır. Belirtilen yasama amacı dijital çağda yalan haberle mücadele etmek ve kamu düzenini korumak olsa da gazeteciler, insan hakları örgütleri ve muhalefet partileri yasayı en başından beri ağır bir şekilde eleştirmiştir.

The primary issue lies in the ambiguous and highly subjective definition of "misleading information." When the state holds the sole authority to determine what constitutes the "truth" any claim of corruption, economic failing, or systemic abuse brought forward by the opposition can easily be categorized as disinformation. This ambiguity turns the law into a flexible net, cast wide enough to catch any political adversary.

Temel sorun, "yanıltıcı bilginin" muğlak ve oldukça öznel tanımında yatmaktadır. Devlet "gerçeğin" ne olduğuna karar verme konusunda tek yetkiye sahip olduğunda, muhalefet tarafından öne sürülen herhangi bir yolsuzluk, ekonomik başarısızlık veya sistemik istismar iddiası kolaylıkla dezenformasyon olarak sınıflandırılabilir. Bu belirsizlik, yasayı herhangi bir siyasi rakibi yakalayacak kadar geniş atılmış esnek bir ağa dönüştürmektedir.

The Chilling Effect on Society
Toplum Üzerindeki Caydırıcı Etki

The broader consequence of investigating figures like Turhan Çömez goes far beyond the halls of parliament. It generates a profound "chilling effect" across the entire society. When members of parliament, who possess constitutional immunity and a direct mandate from the electorate, can be easily investigated for their public statements, ordinary citizens receive a clear warning.

Turhan Çömez gibi figürlerin soruşturulmasının daha geniş kapsamlı sonuçları, parlamento koridorlarının çok ötesine geçmektedir. Tüm toplum üzerinde derin bir "caydırıcı etki" (chilling effect) yaratmaktadır. Anayasal dokunulmazlığa ve seçmenden doğrudan yetkiye sahip milletvekilleri, kamuoyuna yaptıkları açıklamalar nedeniyle kolayca soruşturulabiliyorsa, sıradan vatandaşlar açık bir uyarı almış olur.

This atmosphere suppresses investigative journalism, discourages whistleblowers within state institutions from stepping forward, and creates widespread self-censorship among the public. A society where fear dictates what can and cannot be spoken is one that is fundamentally stripped of its democratic vitality. Transparency is replaced by opacity, and accountability is overshadowed by intimidation.

Bu atmosfer araştırmacı gazeteciliği bastırır, devlet kurumlarındaki bilgi sızdıranların (whistleblower) öne çıkmasını engeller ve halk arasında yaygın bir otosansür yaratır. Korkunun neyin konuşulup neyin konuşulamayacağını belirlediği bir toplum, demokratik canlılığından temelden yoksun bırakılmış bir toplumdur. Şeffaflığın yerini kapalılık alır ve hesap verebilirliğin gölgesinde sindirme kalır.

Conclusion
Sonuç

In conclusion, the foundation of a resilient republic is not built on the forced silence of its critics, but on the absolute transparency of its governance and the rigorous debate of its policies. The systematic lifting of immunities and the initiation of investigations against opposition MPs under the guise of combating disinformation highlight a critical juncture for Turkish democracy.

Sonuç olarak, dirençli bir cumhuriyetin temeli, eleştirmenlerinin zoraki sessizliği üzerine değil, yönetiminin mutlak şeffaflığı ve politikalarının titizlikle tartışılması üzerine kurulur. Dezenformasyonla mücadele kisvesi altında dokunulmazlıkların sistematik olarak kaldırılması ve muhalefet milletvekillerine yönelik soruşturmaların başlatılması, Türk demokrasisi için kritik bir dönüm noktasını vurgulamaktadır.

For democracy to survive and thrive, political opposition must be protected, and the act of exposing corruption must be treated as a civic duty, not a criminal offense. Ensuring that the judicial system remains an independent arbiter of justice, rather than an instrument of political suppression, is the only way to safeguard the nation's democratic future.

Demokrasinin hayatta kalması ve gelişmesi için siyasi muhalefet korunmalı ve yolsuzlukları ortaya çıkarma eylemi cezai bir suç değil, yurttaşlık görevi olarak görülmelidir. Yargı sisteminin siyasi bir baskı aracı olmaktan ziyade bağımsız bir adalet hakemi olarak kalmasını sağlamak, ülkenin demokratik geleceğini güvence altına almanın tek yoludur.

Agriculture and Rural Development in Türkiye

 A Roadmap for the First 100 Days After Political Transition

Strategic Vision and Institutional Preparation

The planning spirit of the State Planning Organization (SPO), which holds the institutional memory of the past, must be repositioned at the core of agricultural policies. The 100-day action plan must include immediate measures and structural reforms aimed at ensuring supply security in agriculture.

First 100-Day Action Plan

Agricultural Inventory: Establishing a digital agricultural and soil inventory nationwide.

(Expected Impact: Planned production and prevention of resource waste.)

Cost Management: Restructuring agricultural subsidies for fertilizers, fuel, and seeds.

(Expected Impact: Alleviating the input costs of producers.)

Rural Employment: Cooperative incentives to retain the young population in rural areas.

(Expected Impact: Slowing down the rural-to-urban migration.)

Photo by Randy Fath on Unsplash

Implementation Model: A Vision from the Past

The collective and productive spirit of the Village Institutes must be combined with today’s modern agricultural technologies. The model below synthesizes these two perspectives.

Model: Sustainable Agricultural Development Network

1. Data-Driven Planning: Digitalizing agricultural production with an SPO vision.

2. Local Cooperatives: Ensuring producer-oriented market access.

3. Education and Technology: Transferring modern agricultural techniques to producers.


Conclusion and Future Projection

The agricultural sector in Türkiye is not merely an economic policy, but also a matter of national security and independence. With a comprehensive transformation, rural areas can once again become centers of attraction.

A Political Transition and a Roadmap for the First 100 Days

 “Point Zero” of Politics: A Transition Scenario for Türkiye Post-Election

The end of an era and the quest for a new beginning; in Turkish political history, elections are not merely about the results emerging from the ballot box, but are also society’s search for a ‘new social contract.’ In particular, the allegations surrounding the use of public resources, tender processes, and the relationship with state institutions necessitate the establishment of not just a new government, but a new ‘order of law and transparency’ following the election.

So, after a process filled with such exhaustion and allegations, how can a new administration repair this damage?

The First 100 Days: Stopping the Bleeding When you take over the administration of a state, the first 100 days are not about ‘showcase projects’ but a period of ‘assessment and stabilization.’ The primary goal during this timeframe is to place the gears of the system on a rational and transparent foundation:

Taking an X-ray Transparently revealing the true dimensions of the Treasury and public liabilities.

Restoring Confidence Rebuilding the trust of market players and citizens in institutions like the Central Bank and TURKSTAT through merit-based appointments.

Administrative Pause Temporarily freezing large-scale expenditures until the flow of public resources is fully understood.

Legal Accountability or Revenge? This is the most critical threshold. In a country where social polarization is deep, there is a fine line between the demand that ‘corruption must be accounted for’ and the risk of a ‘new political revanchism.’

The accountability process must be conducted not with a thirst for revenge, but through ‘universal principles of law.’

The path to this requires:

  • The establishment of special anti-corruption prosecutor’s offices that will not fall under political influence.
  • The complete independence of institutions such as the Court of Accounts (Sayıştay) and MASAK.
  • The implementation of asset recovery mechanisms that meet international standards.

Systemic Transformation: Facing the Truth Prosecuting individuals is merely a result. True success lies in closing the systemic loopholes — such as arbitrary appointments, opaque tender processes, and the lack of oversight — that created this ‘culture of corruption.’ For Türkiye, this is not just a change in government, but a process of institutions returning to a state of ‘collective reason.’


Social consensus is not a choice, but a necessity.

As we approach 2027, Türkiye’s greatest test is not just economic restoration, but the repair of social trust. Confronting the mistakes of the past should be viewed not as a tool for a rematch, but as a method for democratic cleansing while laying the foundations for the future.

A strong state survives not through its secrets, but through its transparency. The reconstruction of Türkiye will begin precisely on the day that this transparency is established. If the new administration fails to manage this process correctly, it is highly probable that they will not be re-elected in the following election.